New Content: Slavery in America and the World
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Dear Valued Customer,

As part of our ongoing commitment to facilitate discussion about this extremely important subject, we added 110 new titles and nearly 40,000 pages to the database with our February and March content releases. In addition, we added De Bow’s Review to the periodical section of the database. This is one of the most important periodicals published in the antebellum South.

We would like to give a special thanks to the Maryland State Law Library and the Charleston School of Law for their recent significant and generous contributions to this database. Content from Maryland State has been added, and Charleston School of Law materials will be available in the next few months.

We hope you have found the resources in this database valuable for your research. In this newsletter, we've highlighted two new databases we thought you might also enjoy.

Please continue reading for additional details about new content and the new featured titles editor Paul Finkelman has highlighted.

 

Sincerely,
Benjamin Boron
HeinOnline Marketing Department
INSIDE THIS ISSUE:
 
  • New Featured Titles: Five new titles that are personally selected by the editor with a detailed description for each title.
  • Editor's Picks: Throughout the database there are highlighted titles that contain important information from the editor.
  • De Bow's Review: One of the most important periodicals published in the antebellum South is now available in the Slavery database.
  • Explore Searching in HeinOnline: Learn to utilize multiple search tools which help users narrow down search queries to receive the most relevant results.
  • Popular Databases from HeinOnlineNational Survey of State Laws and Preview of United States Supreme Court Cases are our two featured databases this month.
  • Coming Soon: In this issue, we include a sneak peek of notable titles that will soon be added to the database.
  • Tell Us Your Story: Let us know how Slavery in America and the World has enhanced your research experience.
  • As Seen on Twitter: Follow us on Twitter for interesting news and featured HeinOnline content.
  • Like Us on Facebook: Be sure to like us on Facebook to stay up-to-date with the latest company news.
  • Testimonial: Carrie Doyle from the University of Wisconsin shares her experience with the Slavery database.
  • Contact Us: Do you have a question? We would love to help.
NEW FEATURED TITLES

Paul Finkelman, the database's general editor, has selected some important works from the February and March content releases and written a description of each title's significance.

Death of Slavery
1v. New York: Wm. C. Bryant & Co., 1863
Cooper, Peter

Peter Cooper (Feb. 12, 1791–Apr. 4, 1883) was an inventor, manufacturer, occasional politician, and civic leader in New York City. He grew up in relative poverty, had no more than one year of formal schooling, and was apprenticed as coachmaker from seventeen until he turned twenty-one. His economic success was based mostly on his ability to remake machinery and invent new machinery for existing businesses. He made his fortune in glue manufacturing, but eventually became an iron manufacturer and real estate investor, and was involved in railroads, an international telegraph company, and other ventures. He built the first successful steam locomotive in the United States—the famous “Tom Thumb,” which was able to negotiate curves and hills better than British engines, and increased his fortune through payments in B & O Railroad stock. His Canton Iron Works, in Maryland, remained in business in one form or another until the 1980s. In 1854 his Trenton (N.J.) ironworks manufactured the first structural iron in the world, allowing for the construction of “fireproof” buildings built out of iron instead of wood. In recognition of this major invention and manufacturing success, he would be awarded the Bessemer Gold Medal of the Iron and Steel Institute of Great Britain in 1870. He served on the Board of Alderman in New York City and was constantly campaigning for civic improvements in education, urban infrastructure (water and sewer lines), and the professionalization of the police and fire departments.

Cooper was an ardent Jacksonian Democrat in the 1830s and 1840s, and despite his enormous wealth, his sympathies were with the working class and those like himself, who grew up in near poverty. This sympathy let to his greatest and longest-lasting contribution—the creation of Cooper Union, a free institution of higher learning designed to serve the poor and working class in New York. Opened in 1859, it still operates in New York City as the Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art. 

In February 1860, Cooper invited Abraham Lincoln to his new college, while Lincoln was campaigning for the Republican presidential nomination. Lincoln’s speech, known to this day as “The Cooper Union Address,” was one of the most important in his career and helped set the stage for his presidential nomination.

Cooper still considered himself a Democrat at this point, but was opposed to slavery and thus was supportive of Lincoln. This sets the stage for Cooper’s letter to Governor Horatio Seymour of New York. Seymour was a moderate “War Democrat.” He had supported Stephen A. Douglas in 1860 and won the New York governorship in 1862. Seymour supported the war effort but opposed the draft and emancipation. 

Cooper’s open letter to Seymour reflects the split among Democrats that led many of them into the Republican Party. Among former Democrats in Lincoln’s party were Secretary of the Treasury (and future Supreme Court Justice) Salmon P. Chase, Vice President Hannibal Hamlin, and Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles. Here Cooper describes himself as a life-long Democrat and veteran of the War of 1812, which gives him “the right to plead with my countrymen of all the shades of political opinions, and to beseech them by every consideration that can move our manhood, to look with me at the dangers which threaten us as a nation.” This leads him to urge Seymour to support a strong national government to hold the Union together and to end slavery. Cooper’s argument is in part based on justice and American principles as set out in the Declaration of Independence, but it is also from the perspective of a businessman, who sees freedom as more efficient and better for the economy. He also makes a slight appeal to the racism of Northern Democrats, predicting that free blacks in New York will move South after slavery is ended and the war is over. Significantly, this letter is dated September 22, 1863, which was the one-year anniversary of Lincoln’s issuing of the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation.

 


Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin; Presenting the Original Facts and Documents upon Which the Story Is Founded, Together with Corroborative Statements Veryfying the Truth of the Work
1v. Boston: Published by John P. Jewett & Co., 1853
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
 
Harriet Beecher Stowe (June 14, 1811–July 1, 1896) was the author of what is arguably the most influential book ever published in the United States, Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1851). She was the most famous member of her family, which was littered with important and famous intellectual and reform figures. She was the daughter of Lyman Beecher, one of the leading evangelical ministers of the first six decades of the nineteenth century (1775–1863). Her sister, Catherine Beecher (1800–1878), was a prominent author, advocate of women’s rights, social reformer, and educator. Her brother, Henry Ward Beecher (1813–1887) was a leading abolitionist, reformer, and one of the most prominent ministers in the United States. Her brother Charles Beecher (1815–1900) was a well-known abolitionist preacher, author, composer of religious music, and superintendent of public education in Florida during Reconstruction. Her brother Edward Beecher (1803–1895) was an abolitionist minister and college president, and the author of Narrative of Riots at Riots (1837), published in the wake of the murder of the Illinois abolitionist Elijah P. Lovejoy. Her husband, Calvin E. Stowe, was a college professor, abolitionist, biblical scholar, linguist, and prominent advocate of public schools. He graduated first in his class at Bowdin College, where his classmates included future president Franklin Pierce and the literary figures Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.

In 1851 Stowe published Uncle Tom’s Cabin, which became an instant best seller, going through multiple printings in the United States and Great Britain, and being translated into numerous languages. The novel detailed the lives of a number of slaves, some of whom escaped to Canada, and of Uncle Tom, who was beaten to death on a Louisiana plantation. Many southerners condemned the book as dishonest, claiming Stowe’s novel depicted conditions that did not exist in the South and never had existed. Stowe responded with more than 250 pages of evidence to support the story she wrote. Much of her evidence came from southern statutes and court decisions, which illustrated the harshness of slavery. She praised southern jurists like North Carolina’s Chief Justice Thomas Ruffin as “like Judge Ruffin, men of honor, men of humanity, men of kindest and gentlest feelings,” but noted that they were nevertheless obliged to interpret these severe laws with inflexible severity. She then quoted from Ruffin’s famous opinion in State v. Mann, 2 Devereux Law Rep. 263 (1829), to prove her point. She wrote: “So Judge Ruffin says, ‘We cannot allow the right of the matter to be brought into discussion in the courts of justice. The slave, to remain a slave, must be made sensible that there is NO APPEAL FROM HIS MASTER.” Accordingly, we find in the more southern states, where the slave population is most accumulated, and slave property most necessary and valuable, and, of course, the determination to abide by the system the most decided, there the enactments are most severe, and the interpretation of the courts most inflexible.’”

She paid special attention to the Virginia decision in Souther v. Commonwealth, 7 Gratt. (Va.) 672 (1851), which she called the “Ne Plus Ultra of Legal Humanity.” Souther was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to five years in jail after he had tortured the slave to death. Stowe reprinted most of the court’s opinion in this case, including this horrific passage: 

 
The count charged that on the let day of September, 1849, the prisoner tied his negro slave, Sam, with ropes about his wrists, neck, body, legs and ankles, to a tree. That whilst so tied, the prisoner first whipped the slave with switches. That he next beat and cobbed the slave with a shingle, and compelled two of his slaves, a man and a woman, also to cob the deceased with the shingle. That whilst the deceased was so tied to the tree, the prisoner did strike, knock, kick, stamp and beat him upon various parts of his head, face and body; that he applied fire to his body; * * * * that he then washed his body with warm water, in which pods of red pepper had been put and steeped; and he compelled his two slaves aforesaid also to wash him with this same preparation of warm water and red pepper. That after the tying, whipping, cobbing, striking, beating, knocking, kicking, stamping, wounding, bruising, lacerating, burning, washing and torturing, as aforesaid, the prisoner untied the deceased from the tree in such way as to throw him with violence to the ground; and he then and there did knock, kick, stamp and beat the deceased upon his head, temples, and various parts of his body. That the prisoner then had the deceased carried into a shed-room of his house, and there he compelled one of his slaves, in his presence, to confine the deceased’s feet in stocks, by making his legs fast to a piece of timber, and to tie a rope about the neck of the deceased, and fasten it to a bed-post in the room, thereby strangling, choking and suffocating the deceased. And that whilst the deceased was thus made fast in stocks as aforesaid, the prisoner did kick, knock, stamp and beat him upon his head, face, breast, belly, sides, back and body; and he again compelled his two slaves to apply fire to the body of the deceased, whilst he was so made fast as aforesaid. And the count charged that from these various modes of punishment and torture the slave Sam then and there died.

She noted that the Virginia Court of Appeals declared that it “believed that the records of criminal jurisprudence do not contain a case of more atrocious and wicked cruelty than was presented upon the trial of Souther.” But as Stowe noted, he only received a five-year sentence for his crime, and when he comes out, there is no law in Virginia to prevent his buying as many more negroes as he chooses, and going over the same scene with any one of them at a future time, if only lie profit by the information which has been so explicitly conveyed to him in this decision, that he must take care and stop his tortures short of the point of death—a matter about which, as the history of the Inquisition shows, men, by careful practice, can be able to judge with considerable precision. Probably, also, the next time, he will not be so foolish as to send out and request the attendance of two white witnesses, even, though they may be so complacently interested in the proceedings as to spend the whole day in witnessing them without effort at prevention.

With evidence from cases like State v. Mann and Souther v. Commonwealth, and pages of excerpts from southern statutes, Stowe provides a wealth of material showing that virtually everything she wrote about in Uncle Tom’s Cabin mirrored actual events in the South. Southerners may have been correct in saying that she exaggerated—that the overwhelming majority of slaveowners were not like Simeon Souther or her fictitious Simon Legree. But, for opponents of slavery, that was beside the point. The system allowed men like Souther to torture their slaves with only minor consequences or none at all, and allowed men like John Mann to shoot a slave in back and get no punishment because the slave did not die. Goaded by southern newspapers, writers, and politicians to back up her book, Stowe responded with an overwhelming defense of the theme of Uncle Tom’s Cabin—that slavery created a barbaric, cruel, and deeply immoral system. 

Significantly, A Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin was published simultaneously in both the United States and Great Britain, underscoring the fact that in just two years Stowe had become an important international figure through Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

 

Hireling and the Slave, Chicora, and Other Poems
1v. Charleston: McCarter & Co., 1856
Grayson, William J.
 
William John Grayson (12 Nov. 1788–4 Oct. 1863) was a South Carolina politician, planter, and literary figure. His father died when he was young, and he was raised in the home of his stepfather, William Joyner, a wealthy planter living near Beaufort. He spent two years in private academies in the North, preparing for college, but then returned home to attend South Carolina College (now the University of South Carolina). Grayson wanted to have literary career but marriage and his large family (seven children) forced him to find a more lucrative career. He became a lawyer in 1822, but turned to politics, serving various terms in the South Carolina House and Senate, and two terms in Congress. In 1841 President John Tyler appointed him collector of customs for the port of Charleston, where he served for twelve years, until he was removed by President Franklin Pierce.

By South Carolina standards, Grayson was a political moderate. He was deeply committed to slavery, a firm advocate of states’ rights, and supported nullification in the early 1830s as the editor of the Beaufort Gazette. But he consistently opposed extreme South Carolina southern nationalists, who were pushing for secession in the early 1850s and then led the state out of the Union in 1860. Grayson correctly believe that secession would lead to civil war and be a disaster for the South. He died during the Civil War, but lived long enough to see the beginning of the destruction of the southern slaveocracy. In 1850 he opposed disunionists in his Letter to His Excellency, Whitemarsh B. Seabrook, Governor of the State of South Carolina, on the Dissolution of the Union (1850), which Grayson published as a pamphlet.

In retirement Grayson returned to literature. In 1856 he published The Hireling and the Slave, which contains his massive poem by the same title. This poem is more than 1,500 lines long and covers more than 50 pages of his book. The poem is essentially a political tract in the form of a literary work. Illustrative of its nature as tract are its 43 endnotes, covering 14 pages, which Grayson uses to support his arguments in favor of slavery and against antislavery. He uses the poem to attack numerous opponents of slavery, including William Lloyd Garrison (“Carnage and fire mad Garrison invokes”), Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts (“There supple Sumner, with the Negro cause; Plays the sly game for office and applause”), the antislavery publisher of the New York Tribune, Horace Greeley (“There Greeley, grieving at a brother’s woe; Spits with impartial spite on friend and foe; His Negro griefs and sympathies produce; No nobler fruits than malice and abuse”) and Senator William Henry Seward of New York (“There Seward smiles the sweet perennial smile; Skilled in the tricks of subtlety and guile; The slyest schemer that the world e’er saw; Peddler of sentiment and patent law”).

Grayson argues that slaves are treated better than white workers, because workers are fired or laid off when there are downturns in the economy, while slaves are always taken care of. He also argues that blacks are natural slaves, created by God for that purpose. Illustrative of that is this stanza, which, according the Oxford English Dictionary, includes the first known use of the term “master race” in any English-language publication:

 
For these great ends hath Heaven’s supreme command
Brought the black savage from his native land,
Trains for each purpose his barbarian mind,
By slavery tamed, enlightened, and refined;
Instructs him, from a master-race, to draw
Wise modes of polity and forms of law,
Imbues his soul with faith, his heart with love,
Shapes all his life by dictates from above,
And, to a grateful world, resolves at last
The puzzling question of all ages past,
Revealing to the Christian’s gladdened eyes
How Gospel light may dawn from Libya’s skies,
Disperse the mists that darken and deprave,
And shine with power to civilize and save.

Grayson wrote this poem in part as a rebuttal to Harriet Beecher Stowe’s famous antislavery novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852). A number of his stanzas and footnotes refer to her and her book, including this attack on her, her book, and a subsequent book, A Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1853) which provided documentation to show that much that was depicted in her novel was actually based on real people, events, and legal cases. In a note to his poem, Grayson asserts that the Key “is a compilation of all the slanders and crimes among slaveholders; just as she would write a story denouncing matrimony, and make a Key, from the courts or gossiping chronicles, of all the cruelties, murders, and adulteries of husbands and wives, representing the crimes is the normal condition of the relation.” In the body of the poem, he writes of Stowe:
 
There Stowe, with prostituted pen, assails
One half her country in malignant tales;
Careless, like Trollope, whether truth she tells,
And anxious only how the libel sells,
To slander’s mart she furnishes supplies,
And feeds its morbid appetite for lies
On fictions fashioned with malicious art,
The venal pencil, and malignant heart,
With fact distorted, inference unsound,
Creatures in fancy, not in nature found-
Chaste Quadroon virgins, saints of sable hue,
Martyrs, than zealous Padl more tried and true,
Demoniac masters, sentimental slaves,
Mulatto cavaliers, and Creole knaves-
Monsters each portrait drawn, each story told!

What then? The book may bring its weight in gold;
Enough ! upon the crafty rule she leans,
That makes the purpose justify the means,
Concocts the venom, and, with eager gaze,
To Glasgow flies for patron, pence, and praise,
And for a slandered country finds rewards
In smiles or sneers of duchesses and lords.

For profits and applauses poor as these,
To the false tale she adds its falser Keys*
Of gathered slanders-her ignoble aim,
With foes to traffic in her country’s shame.

The Hireling and the Slave is by far the most important piece of proslavery literature of the antebellum period, reflecting an ideology of racism and the belief that slavery was actually a positive good for blacks, while at the same time denouncing all northerners who opposed slavery in any way.
 

Father Henson's Story of His Own Life
1v. Boston: John P. Jewett and Co., 1858
Henson, Josiah
 
Josiah Henson (1789–1883) was born a slave in Maryland. He was an early convert to Christianity, and as a result became a trusted slave because of his honesty and work ethic. When he was 36, Henson guided about twenty slaves from Maryland to Kentucky. During this trip he crossed into Ohio, but did not seek his own freedom or help liberate the slaves under his authority. He later acquiesced to being sold in the South, but on the trip to New Orleans his master’s son became ill and Henson brought him home to Kentucky. Once again, he did not escape when he might easily have done so. However, a few years later he escaped to Cincinnati with his wife and four children, and eventually made it to Canada where he was a preacher and leader in the community of escaped slaves. From Canada he returned to the South a few times to help guide slaves to freedom. Henson travelled to England in 1849 and 1851, where he met with leading politicians, including Lord John Russell and other dignitaries.

He published his first autobiography in 1849, as The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave, Now an Inhabitant of Canada, as Narrated by Himself. This 1858 updated version of his first autobiography has a new title: Father Henson’s Story. The publisher, Henry P.B. Jewett, was a leading publisher of antislavery material, and had published Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Harriet Beecher Stowe, the author of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, wrote an introduction for the new edition. Some people at the time, as some scholars since, have argued that Henson was a model for Uncle Tom in Stowe’s novel. Certainly there are similarities in their lives, although Henson did not become a martyr to save others, and in the end not only escaped bondage, but also helped other slaves to do the same. For Henson the comparison was useful and probably helped sell his autobiography. Stowe’s willingness to endorse the book gives some credibility to her using Henson as something of a model for Uncle Tom. It also certainly helped sales of the book. 

Henson would visit England after the Civil War, and publish a third edition of his autobiography there, in 1876. On that trip he lectured, preached, and was feted. The highlight of the trip was his audience with Queen Victoria, who gave him a photograph of herself in a gold frame. This British edition illustrates the continuing interest in slavery in Great Britain, more than a decade after it had been abolished in the United States.

 

Colonization of the Free Colored Population of Maryland, and of Such Slaves as May Hereafter Become Free: Statement of Facts, for the Use of Those Who Have Not Yet Reflected on This Important Subject
1v. Baltimore: Published by the Managers Appointed by the State of Maryland, 1832
 
In 1816 prominent political leaders and philanthropists formed the American Colonization Society (ACS), for the purpose of removing blacks to settlements in Africa, in what eventually became the country of Liberia.

Motivations for supporters of the ACS were mixed. Some ACS founders opposed slavery and believed that helping blacks move to Africa would encourage private manumissions. Other ACS members were active slaveowners who saw Liberia as a place to send unwanted free blacks. But, even these members were not aggressively proslavery, since the ACS did help individual masters disengage from slaveholding by transporting their manumitted slaves to Africa. From its founding until the Civil War, the ACS brought about 13,000 blacks—mostly recently manumitted slaves—to Liberia. 
Leaders of the Society included many of the most prominent men in America. The national president, until his death in 1829, was Supreme Court Justice Bushrod Washington, who was the nephew of President George Washington. Chief Justice John Marshall was a life member of the ACS and the president of Richmond branch, the most important branch in the nation. Other prominent members including Senator Henry Clay, Rev. Lyman Beecher (the father of Harriet Beecher Stowe), Senator Theodore Frelinghuysen (Clay’s running made in 1844), Rep. Robert Goodloe Harper, Rep. Charles Fenton Mercer, and Senator and Representative John Randolph of Roanoke.

The Society operated on a combination of private and public funding. Congress gave the society $100,000 (a significant amount of money at the time) in 1819, and the legislatures of Maryland, Virginia, and Missouri also funded it. At various times the society received some funding from Mississippi, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey.
 
This report is the result of a $200,000 appropriation to the Society from the state of Maryland. The legislature appointed three managers to use these funds to help remove free blacks from Maryland. The report explains why colonization is useful in terms of the desire to rid the state of its large free black population, discussing the “evils” of free blacks in this slave state. At the time Maryland had a large and growing freed black population, which disturbed and frightened many of the state’s slaveowners. By 1830 one third of the state’s blacks (52,000) were free while the other 102,000 were slaves. This pamphlet argues that these free blacks are a threat to the society, and moving them to Africa will improve their lives while also improving the state of Maryland. In addition, the pamphlet appeals to religious sentiments, arguing that colonization will help spread Christianity in Africa.
EDITOR'S PICKS

While browsing Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law, you’ll notice gold stars next to some of the titles. We call them “Editor’s Picks,” which Paul Finkelman, the general editor, has chosen as what he thinks are the most important titles to be found in this collection.

April's Featured Editor's Picks:


Boston Slave Riot, and Trial of Anthony Burns Containing the Report of the Faneuil Hall Meeting; the Murder of Batchelder; Theodore Parker's Lesson for the Day; Speeches of Counsel on Both Sides, Corrected by Themselves; a Verbatim Report of Judge Loring's Decision; and Detailed Account of the Embarkation
1 v. Boston : Fetridge and Company, 1854

The trial and rendition of Anthony Burns was one of the most dramatic and famous incidents in the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. A Virginia slave, Anthony Burns (1834-1862) escaped to Boston in February 1854, but was seized by police officials in May, held in jail overnight, and brought into the courtroom of U.S. Commissioner Edward G. Loring the next morning. Loring hoped to hold a quick hearing, certify Burns was a slave, and have him whisked out of the city before anyone knew he has been arrested. However, while the hearing was taking place an antislavery lawyer, Richard Henry Dana (1815-1882) passed by the courtroom, realized what was happening, and immediately insisted on representing Burns. This led to a week-long trial that riveted the attention of the nation. After the abortive rescue attempt, the courthouse was heavily guarded and completely surrounded by special deputies, soldiers, an artillery company, and a contingent of U.S. Marines.   Meanwhile abolitionists and Bostonians who had previously never been involved in antislavery, protested. At the end of the week Burns was returned to Virginia, a U.S. Coast Guard cutter, and sold for about $900. It is estimated the trial and removal of Burns might have cost the U.S. government and the city of Boston as much as $100,000. Through the intervention of the Boston black community and the aid of some white philanthropists, Burns was subsequently purchased and brought North. He then attended Oberlin College and became a Baptist preacher, first in Indianapolis and later in St. Catherines, Ontario. The trial and removal of Burns from Boston created one of the great spectacles of the late antebellum period.   After Burns was returned, a number of Bostonians were indicted for the abortive rescue, but no one was convicted and the indictments themselves were quashed. In the meantime, the Massachusetts legislature passed (over a governor's veto) a series of "personal liberty laws" designed to prevent any future state complicity with the removal of a fugitive slave. In addition, Commissioner Loring was removed from his faculty position at Harvard Law School and, by a vote of the Massachusetts legislature, from his position as a Suffolk County probate judge. This pamphlet tells much of the story of the case with numerous pictures of the events. It is the most important of the many contemporaneous pamphlets and books on the case.
 



Emancipator (Complete)
1v. Nashville, Tenn: B.H. Murphy, 1932
Embree, Elihu

This is the full run of an obscure and short lived antislavery paper published in Tennessee.   The editor, Elihu Embree (1782-1820), was a Quaker owner of an iron foundry in east Tennessee.   Early in his adulthood Embree rejected his Quaker heritage and actually became a slaveowner. But in 1815 he helped organize the Manumission Society of Tennessee. During the next five years Embree sent numerous antislavery petitions to Congress and the Tennessee legislature. He lived in east Tennessee where there were few slaves and probably more hostility to slavery than in any other slave state.   In 1820 Embree began to publish The Emancipator, which was the first newspaper in the nation devoted exclusively to anti-slavery. The paper anticipated the uncompromising position of William Lloyd Garrison’s Liberator, which would appear eleven years later. Garrison lived in Boston, while Embree published his attacks on slavery in a slave state. But Embree was fearless. He opposed the Missouri Compromise because it allowed a new slave state into the union. He called slaveowners "monsters in human flesh." Despite his opposition, his paper had substantial support in Tennessee, with more than 2,000 subscribers. However, after publishing the paper for only nine months, Embree became ill and died at the young age of 38.   In 1932 a Tennessee publisher reprinted a full run of the paper, which is what is in this collection.

DE BOW'S REVIEW
In the March content release, HeinOnline added De Bow’s Review to the periodical collection of Slavery in America and the World. This is one of the most important periodicals published in the antebellum South.

James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow (July 20, 1820–Feb. 27, 1867), known as J.D.B. De Bow, was born in South Carolina but migrated to New Orleans as a young man. In 1846 he began to publish his Review, which went under a number of names until the end of the Civil War. It was The Commercial Review in 1846, but by the following year was called The Commercial Review of the South and West. In all these issues he listed himself as the editor and publisher.  In 1850 he renamed it De Bow’s Southern and Western Review, and in 1853 he renamed it De Bow’s Review: A Monthly Journal of Commerce, Agriculture, Manufactures, Internal Improvement, Statistics, Etc. Etc. Wisely, in 1855 he started to call it simply De Bow’s Review, although he sometimes added “Literary and Miscellaneous Journal” to the title. It is known to scholars everywhere simply as De Bow’s Review. In the mid-1850s he also held a patronage job as Superintendent of the U.S. Census. Because of his interest in commercial development and statistics (many of which he published in the Review), he served the nation well in that role.

De Bow was a vigorous defender of slavery, southern culture, and white supremacy. He argued that the South should diversify its economy and believed slaves should be used in industrial labor as well as for agriculture. By 1861 he was a staunch advocate of secession and the creation of the Confederacy. His journal, filled with statistics, scientific papers, political theory, and articles about business, economics, and manufacturing, was arguably the most influential journal in the South.  It always supported slavery, and was in turn supported by slaveowners. The vast majority of his subscribers were slaveowners, and included many of the leading figures of the South. Among his subscribers was Chief Justice Joseph Henry Lumpkin of Georgia, Congressman (and future Confederate Vice President) Alexander Stephens of Georgia, Senator Clement Clay of Alabama, Senator (and future Confederate Secretary of State) Judah P. Benjamin of Louisiana, Senator (and future Confederate President) Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, Wade Hampton (a future Confederate General), Robert Barnwell Rhett, the South Carolina Senator, U.S. Representative and secessionist, Robert E. Lee (the future Confederate General), Lewis Washington, the great-grandnephew of George Washington, and the rabidly proslavery Virginia author George Fitzhugh. For and exhaustive list of De Bow’s readers, see John F. Kvach, De Bow’s Review: The Antebellum Vision of the New South (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2013).

Among the many authors who wrote for De Bow were the proslavery physicians and scientists, Josiah C. Nott and Samuel Cartwright, the southern nationalists and proslavery theorists Edmund Ruffin and George Fitzhugh, Judah P. Benjamin, the great constitutional scholar and South Carolina College, Francis Lieber, and the diplomat from South Carolina, William Henry Trescot. However, his publication was not entirely southern or proslavery. There are many articles written by northerners about economics and manufacturing in the North. Perhaps the most unexpected is an 1848 article on river and harbor improvements by Horace Greeley, who was antislavery, and would later be the editor of the most important pro-Lincoln paper in the country, The New York Tribune. As we might expect, almost every issue has one or more articles about slavery. 

In May 1862 the United States Navy and Army combined to take control of New Orleans. Publication of the Review became scattered after that. Late in the year he published a combined issue for May–August 1862. There he bravely (and incorrectly) predicted that if the United States occupies New Orleans and other southern cities: 

… the Yankees must detail hundreds of thousands of men to hold our captured cities, and we shall disengage from their defence a hundred thousand soldiers, to be added to our interior forces. Then the war will linger in earnest. The Federals must do what they now are afraid to do; fight us in the open field with neither forts or gunboats to retreat to. They have heretofore been merely warring against our outposts; when they march into the interior, they are destined to meet with speedy and signal overthrow. Our people cannot submit, for the tendered terms of submission are worse than death. To have our property four-fifths of it confiscated, and the balance taxed to confiscation point, and to have four millions of our slaves liberated and put on an equality with ourselves, is a fate we never can be subjected to. It would be easier for the North to exterminate us than to subjugate. But she will do neither, and the day of our delivery is at hand.” 
(De Bow’s Review, May-August Issue, 1862, p. 42.) 

Significantly, even with this home city firmly in the hands of the United States, De Bow is defiant and at the same time persistent in arguing that blacks can never be equal to whites, and that death is preferable to a world without slaves.

 
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Here is a list of other titles that will be added to the collection in the coming months.

Island of Cuba
1v. Baltimore: Printed by Sands & Neilson, 1835
Harper, Charles C.

Life and Liberty in America: Or, Sketches of a Tour in the United States and Canada, in 1857-8
2v. London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1859
Mackay, Charles

Life of Abraham Lincoln, Presenting His Early History, Political Career, and Speeches in and out of Congress; Also a General View of His Policy as President of the United States
1v. New York, N.Y.: Derby and Miller, 1865
Barrett, Joseph H.

Selections from the Letters and Speeches of the Hon. James H. Hammond, of South Carolina
1v. New York: John F. Trow & Co., 1866
Hammond, James H.

Spanish Conquest in America, and Its Relation to the History of Slavery and to the Government of Colonies
4v. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1856-1868

Helps, Arthur
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We continue to enhance our free database, Slavery in America and the World, by adding more than 60 titles in Feb: http://home.heinonline.org/slavery/.
 
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Register for free access: Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law http://ow.ly/8kMP308Gt9n.


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"Those whom God wishes to destroy, he first makes mad." From the awesome HeinOnline "Slavery" collection http://home.heinonlin.org/slavery/.
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New on Ex Libris Juris: Legislative Histories of Cybersecurity Laws Enacted by the 113th and 114th Congresses via @HeinOnline http://www.harriscountylawlibrary.org/ex-libris-juris/2017/1/23/cybersecurity-laws...
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