New Content: Slavery in America and the World

Dear Valued Customer,

November marks just over a year since the launch of Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law! As part of our ongoing commitment to facilitate discussion about this extremely important subject, this free database has grown to include more than 1,400 titles and nearly one million pages of content!

We would like to give a special thanks to the College of Charleston for their recent significant and generous contributions to this database. More than 16 titles have been added from their library.

While browsing the database, you’ll notice gold stars next to some of the titles. These highlighted titles are referred to as “Editor’s Picks” and have been hand-selected by the general editor of the database, Paul Finkelman. Included in this newsletter are introductions to four of these highlighted titles.

A new print title is now available from Hein titled Dred Scott v. Sandford: Opinions and Contemporary Commentary. This title is the only source that contains the nine opinions of the Dred Scott decision alongside the contemporary scholarly commentary.

Please continue reading for additional details about new content and learn how you can get a FREE trial to HeinOnline.

Benjamin Boron
HeinOnline Marketing Department

Below is a list of notable titles added from the College of Charleston.

Duties of Masters to Servants: Three Premium Essays
1v. Charleston: Southern Baptist Publication Society, 1851
McTyeire, H. N.; et al.

Hireling and the Slave, Chicora, and Other Poems
1v. Charleston: McCarter & Co., 1856
Grayson, William J.

Is Southern Civilization Worth Preserving
1v. Charleston, S.C.: Southern Rights Association, 1851

Letters to the Southern People concerning the Acts of Congress and the Treaties with Great Britain, in Relation to the African Slave Trade
1v. Charleston: Walker, Evans & Co., 1858

Public Proceedings Relating to Calvary Church, and the Religious Instruction of Slaves
1v. Charleston: Miller & Browne, 1850

Rightful Remedy, Addressed to the Slaveholders of the South
1v. Charleston: Walker & James, 1850
Bryan, Edward B.

Rights and the Duties of Masters: A Sermon Preached at the Dedication of a Church, Erected in Charleston, S.C., for the Benefit and Instruction of the Coloured Population
1v. Charleston: Walker & James, 1850
Thornwell, J. H.

Sermons Preached on Plantations to Congregations of Negroes
1v. Charleston: A. E. Miller, 1844
Glennie, Alexander

While browsing Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law, you’ll notice gold stars next to some of the titles. We call them “Editor’s Picks,” which Paul Finkelman, the general editor, has chosen as what he thinks are the most important titles to be found in this database.

Featured Editor's Picks:

Fanaticism, and Its Results: Or, Facts versus Fancies
1v. Baltimore: Printed by Joseph Robinson, 1860

This anonymously published pamphlet was actually written by James Dabney McCabe, Jr. (1842-1883), a Virginia-born journalist, playwright, pamphleteer, and popular historian. McCabe, the son of an Episcopal clergyman, was educated at Virginia Military Institute and served in the Confederate War Department during the Civil War. During his service, he wrote a “history” of the war, and during and after the war wrote hagiographic biographies of Stonewall Jackson (1863) and Robert E. Lee (1867). Published just before the 1860 presidential election, this pamphlet is dedicated to the fanatically proslavery governor of Virginia, Henry A. Wise. McCabe professes his love of the Union, his dedication the nation, and his hatred of “disunion.” But then he immediately makes clear that his unionism is limited to a nation that supports slavery. He asserts that the “only traitors in the land are those who are known as the Abolition and Republican Parties.” Significantly, McCabe makes no distinction in his pamphlet between radical abolitionists, who were calling for an immediate end to slavery, and the Republican Party, which emphatically denied the national government had any power to interfere with slavery in the existing states. He similarly lumps together pacifist abolitionists, the radial and violent abolitionist John Brown (who had invaded Virginia to free slaves in October 1859), and Republican politicians, who had condemned Brown and would have nothing to do with hard core abolitionists. McCabe sees only one cause for the national crisis: “What is it that is so fraught with danger to the Union? Fearlessly and unhesitatingly we give but one answer to all of these questions. The words are simple, but they are full of meaning and power.- Our answer is THE DEMON OF ABOLITIONISM.” Indeed, throughout the pamphlet, McCabe uses quotations from mainstream politicians and radical abolitionists with no understanding of any distinctions among them. This makes sense since for McCabe any opposition to slavery is a threat to his view of the world.
Along with his overblown rhetoric, McCabe provides a useful summary of some early debates in Congress over slavery. He also has an equally helpful summary of the ways in which northern states had opposed slavery. From his perspective, all of these northern laws–as well as general northern opposition to slavery–were enough to justify secession and an independent southern nation. Thus he argues: “Men of the South, we appeal to you to be men indeed. Look to the interests of the South. Guard them with sleepless vigilance. May God give you strength so to act, as to secure the greatest possible good for your country and the Union.” He urges all southern states to hold a convention to consider their future and the future of the Union. McCabe ignores the fact that the South had dominated the national government since its inception, that the Supreme Court had consistently supported slavery, and that under Dred Scott, for the first time in American history all the federal territories were open to slavery. Instead, he argues that “Should the North continue to oppress us, and scorn our appeals and warnings,-then, we say, let the South withdraw and defend herself. Should the storm ever burst, and the land be bathed in blood, let the South maintain her independence at all risks even though her land should be laid waste; her homes destroyed; her sons and daughters slaughtered. We say, let her defend herself, even if it should come to this. She may be destroyed utterly blotted away from amongst the nations of the earth, but her honor will be vindicated in the struggle, and she will prove that she was born to be immortal in the history of the good and great, and with her will perish the liberty of the world.”
This pamphlet illustrates how slavery was at the center of southern disunionist sentiments, and that even before the Republican convention of 1860 Southern nationalists were anticipating both secession and civil war.


Great Issue: An Address
1v. New York: Loyal Publication Society, 1865
Jay, John

John Jay gave this speech during the 1864 presidential election, and it was subsequently published by the Loyal Publication Society. Jay was the son of Judge William Jay and the grandson of the first Chief Justice of the United States and co-author of the Federalist Papers, John Jay. Historians usually refer to this John Jay as John Jay, Jr., so he is not confused with his more famous grandfather.   All of the Jays were strong opponents of slavery. Chief Justice Jay was a founding member of the New York Manumission Society and as governor of New York signed that state’s gradual abolition act in 1799. Both William Jay and John Jay, Jr. were active in antislavery litigation in New York, in casing involving fugitive slaves and sojourning slavery. This speech reflects the anger of anti-slavery Republicans as the war drew to a close. Jay attacks the British for their hypocrisy in giving tacit support for the Confederacy during the war. Jay notes that the British often berated the US for being a slaveholding nation (after Great Britain ended slavery in its American empire), but in the Civil War Britain did not help destroy slavery or the Confederacy. He also attacks northern copperheads (including Governor Horatio Seymour of New York), calling them traitors. He also notes the terrible mistreatment of US prisoners of war held in the South, and the failure of the southern government to either provide proper food for these prisoners or to deliver food send from the North for the POWs. Throughout the speech Jay connects slavery to the rebellion.

Remarks of Messrs. Clemens, Butler, and Jefferson Davis, on the Vermont Resolutions Relating to Slavery Delivered in Senate of the United States, January 10, 1850
1v. Washington: Printed at the Congressional Globe Office, 1850
In November 1849 the Vermont legislatures passed a series of resolutions condemning slavery, calling it a “crime against humanity” and a “sore evil in the body politic.” Among other things, the resolutions called for an end to new slave states, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, and the organization of the new territories acquired in the Mexican War without slavery. They were then sent to Vermont’s senators and representatives and the governors of every state. In early 1850, Vermont Senator William Upham presented them to the U.S. Senate. In the 1830s and early 1840s, the House of Representatives had a standing rule—known as the gag rule—that tabled antislavery petitions without reading them. This proslavery southern response only strengthened anti-slavery and made the southerners look like opponents of the First Amendment. 

The speeches here illustrate a different tactic. Instead of trying to prevent such petitions and resolutions from begin debated, the southern Senators welcomed them. Jeremiah Clemens of Alabama, Andrew Butler of South Carolina, and Jefferson Davis of Mississippi were all extremists in their support for slavery and southern nationalism, and in their hostility to northern opponents of slavery. They seemed almost happy to have these resolutions presented on the floor so they could answer them and denounce northern anti-slavery views. Clemens offers a significant discussion of proslavery constitutional thought, arguing that Congress has no power over slavery in the states. He further used the resolution to defend the “equity” of allowing southerners to bring their slaves into the new territories. He presents historical arguments for southern claims to enjoy and share the territories that belonged to the entire nation. He also offers a laundry list of grievances against the North, arguing that these would, or at least might, justify an end to the Union. Both Clemens and Butler attacked Senator Salmon P. Chase of Ohio (a future Chief Justice of the Supreme Court) for a speech earlier in the day attacking slavery. Butler ends up debating Chase with other senators chiming in. The speeches and the interjections by other senators illustrate the depth of sectional tension during the debates over the compromise of 1850.


Speech on the Admission of Kansas, under the Lecompton Constitution, Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 4, 1858
1v. New York: John F. Trow & Co., 1866
Hammond, James H.

Also known as the “Cotton Is King Speech” and the “Mudsill Speech.”

James Henry Hammond (1807–1864) was a South Carolina lawyer, newspaper editor, planter, and politician. Born poor, he married well, acquiring a plantation and 147 slaves. At the outbreak of the Civil War he owned more than 300 slaves, making him one of the wealthiest men in the nation, as well as one of the South’s largest slaveholders. Hammond served in Congress and as South Carolina’s governor, until his political career was derailed in 1844 by a sex scandal involving his four teenage nieces, who were the daughters of another South Carolina political leader Wade Hampton. In 1850 Hammond became active in a movement to lead the slave states out of the Union. This failed movement helped bring Hammond back into politics. In 1857 the South Carolina legislature elected him to the U.S. Senate. By this time Hammond believed that the South could remain in the Union because the section continued to dominate national politics. Three aspects of this domination were the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), which opened most of the West to slavery, the election of the northern, proslavery doughface president James Buchanan, and the Supreme Court’s proslavery decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857).

One of President Buchanan’s main goals was the admission of Kansas as a slave state under the Lecompton Constitution, so named for the town in which it was written. That constitution was the result of a fraudulent election and referendum, and clearly lacked the support of most voters in Kansas. Nevertheless, Buchanan pushed for admitting Kansas under it. The document printed here—Hammond’s most famous speech in the Senate—supported the admission of Kansas. In this speech Hammond made two important arguments in favor of slavery: one based on economics and one based on racial and political theory. Because of these two themes this speech is often referred to by two different names: the “Cotton Is King Speech,” and the “Mudsill Speech.” 

In supporting Kansas statehood, Hammond argued that America’s “strength” and “wealth” was based on slavery: raw cotton exported to Europe and manufactured goods such as cotton cloth, cigars, or hemp rope based on products grown by slaves. He also argued that southern cotton was the engine of the economy of England and much of Western Europe. Equating attacks on slavery with attacks on the products created by slave labor, Hammond argued that allowing Kansas to become a slave state would expand the American economy, while opposing Kansas statehood was a direct assault on the entire system of slavery. He emphatically warned: “No, sir, you dare not make war on cotton. No power on earth dares make war upon it. Cotton is king.”
Hammond also argued slavery should be allowed in Kansas because it was the labor system in the world. He argued, along with other proslavery theorists, that slavery eliminated the problem of having white voters from different social classes in conflict with each other. This was because slavery allowed a society to elevate all free people to the status of “citizen” while removing the lowest classes of society—what Hammond called “the mudsill”—from the political process. He explained that the South’s “slaves are black, of another and inferior race.” He argued that Africans “are elevated from the condition in which God first created them, by being made our slaves.” He asserted that that the slaves of the South “are happy, content, unaspiring, and utterly incapable, from intellectual weakness, ever to give us any trouble by their aspirations.” On the other hand, he claimed that the North degraded white people by turning them into factory works, menial laborers, and servants. This created a dangerous condition in which some voters were subservient to others. Hammond argued that, like a house, every society had to have a foundation. In the South foundations of houses were often made from hardened mud. Hammond believed every society needed a similar foundation.


In all social systems there must be a class to do the menial duties, to perform the drudgery of life. That is, a class requiring but a low order of intellect and but little skill. Its requisites are vigor, docility, fidelity. Such a class you must have, or you would not have that other class which leads progress, civilization, and refinement. It constitutes the very mud-sill of society and of political government; and you might as well attempt to build a house in the air, as to build either the one or the other, except on this mud-sill. Fortunately for the South, she found a race adapted to that purpose to her hand. A race inferior to her own, but eminently qualified in temper, in vigor, in docility, in capacity to stand the climate, to answer all her purposes. We use them for our purpose, and call them slaves. We found them slaves by the common “consent of mankind,” which, according to Cicero, “lex naturae est.

Hammond resigned from the Senate after Lincoln’s election in 1860, but was not given a position in the Confederate government. In 1864 he died of ill health, at his plantation.

Slavery in America and the World has more than 1,400 titles and 950,000 pages of content, so learning to utilize HeinOnline's search tools can drastically improve the quality of search results.
For example, let’s look for documents relating to Dred Scott and variations of the word citizen. Enter "Dred Scott" AND citizen* in the main search bar. Using quotation will search for words as a phrase and the asterisk symbol (*) will search for variations of the word citizen (i.e. citizen, citizens, citizenship, etc.).

Once the search has run, the database will display various facets on the left-hand side of the screen. These facets allow users to limit the results by document type, topic, position, jurisdiction and title. The option to sort the date range within 10-year increments allows users to narrow results down to a specific time period.

Users may also use the drop-down menu located above the results to sort search results by relevance, volume dates, or document title.
Slavery Quick Finder Tool

Each book and pamphlet has been categorized within the collection based on four factors. The Slavery Quick Finder, located in the All Titles subcollection, enables users to locate documents based on the document’s position on slavery, document type, jurisdiction, and topic.

For example, select position: anti-slavery, document type: cases and trials, jurisdiction: United States, and topic: Fugitive Slave Act produces several results:
For more examples and searching tips, please refer to our Searching 101 Guide, Advanced Search Syntax Guide, or our new HeinOnline Knowledge Base.

Dred Scott v. Sandford: Opinions and Contemporary Commentary
About This Title

The decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857), that African Americans were unable to become American citizens and therefore lacked standing to sue in federal court, and that Congress had no authority to prohibit slavery in the territories, was truly monumental in its impact on the nation and immediately generated widespread public debate. For more than one hundred and fifty years, there existed no single source containing the nine opinions that comprise the Dred Scott decision alongside the contemporary intellectual commentary.
Dred Scott v. Sandford: Opinions and Contemporary Commentary not only fills that scholarly void but also includes Professor Lind’s bibliographic essay which traces the production and transmission history of Dred Scott and details many previously unrecorded bibliographic aspects of the separately printed decision. In doing so, Lind adds important elements to the historiography of a landmark in American judicial thought—a decision which provided the textual ammunition for both sides of a debate that further divided the nation as it marched toward civil war.
Because of the modern relevance and the interdisciplinary nature of the topic, the scholarly interest in this collection should appeal not only to law school libraries but also to general academic libraries.

About The Author

Douglas W. Lind, JD, MILS is the Director of the Library and Professor of Law at Southern Illinois University School of Law. His writing and research focus on the production and marketing of printed materials in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. He is the recipient of the American Association of Law Libraries’ Joseph L. Andrews Bibliographical Award for his two-volume work, Lincoln’s Suspension of Habeas Corpus: The Pamphlet Literature and Congressional Debate (William S. Hein & Co., Inc., 2012).


Dred Scott v. Sandford: Opinions and Contemporary Commentary
Item #: 1006043
ISBN: 978083774061
Pages: xix, 663 p.
Published: Getzville; William S. Hein & Co., Inc.; 2017

1 Volume...............$85.00


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Here is a list of notable titles that will be added to the database during the month of November.

American Slavery and Colour
1v. London: W. & R. Chambers, 1857
Chambers, William

Slavery in Europe: A Letter to Neutral Governments from the Anti-Slavery Society
1v. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1917

Some Achievements of the Negro through Education
1v. Tuskegee Institute: Department of Records and Research, 1949

White Slavery in the Barbary States
1v. Boston: John P. Jewett and Co., 1853
Sumner, Charles

Wrong of Slavery, the Right of Emancipation, and the Future of the African Race in the United States
1v. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1864
Owen, Robert Dale
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