New Content: Slavery in America and the World
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Dear Valued Customer,

We're proud to share our first Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law newsletter of 2017. As part of our ongoing commitment to facilitate discussion about this extremely important subject, we added 50 titles and 3,228 pages to the database with our December content release. We also expanded our list of subscribers: 1,576 institutions and individuals have now registered for free access.

This month's newsletter features information about the HeinOnline Blog, the most important titles added in December, two editor's picks we highly recommend reading, and an interview with Paul Finkelman, the lead editor of Slavery in America and the World.

This month we are also able to offer a discounted price on the classic four volume documentary: Documents Illustrative of the History of the African Slave Trade compiled by Elizabeth Donnan.

We hope you'll share both the database and the newsletter with your colleagues, students, and classmates, and may the new year bring thoughtful and illuminating discussions on the topic of race relations in the United States and abroad.

Sincerely,
Benjamin Boron
HeinOnline Marketing Department
INSIDE THIS ISSUE:
  • HeinOnline Blog: Stay on top of features, content and research tips via the HeinOnline blog.
  • New Featured Titles: Five new titles that are personally selected by the editor with a description for each title.
  • Editor's Picks: Throughout the database there are highlighted titles that contain information from the editor.
  • Special Discount Offer: Receive a 30% discount on Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America.
  • The Junto Blog: Paul Finkelman was recently featured in a recent issue of The Junto Blog.
  • Coming Soon: In this issue we include a sneak peek of notable titles that will soon be added to the database.
  • Help & Training: Included are training materials for new and experienced users to HeinOnline.
  • As Seen on Twitter: Follow us on Twitter for interesting news and featured HeinOnline content.
  • Contact Us: Do you have a question? We would love to help.
HEINONLINE BLOG
Our blog is written by several members of the HeinOnline team. The blog contributors have decades of combined experience working with HeinOnline, so their expertise helps both new and experienced users find the best ways to search and navigate within the database. 

In addition to search tips, the blog covers new databases, content, and tools added to improve research experiences for all users. Current events are dissected and related to the wealth of material available in the Slavery and America and the World database and throughout HeinOnline. 

Check out our most recent posts, and if you like what you see,
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NEW FEATURED TITLES

Paul Finkelman, the database's general editor, has selected some important works from December's content release and written a description of each title's significance.

Census of Slaves, 1755
1v. Albany: [s.n.], [1850]
O'Callaghan, E. B., Compiler


This remarkable document contains a census of slaves throughout the New York Colony in 1755.  The original document is sadly incomplete in that it does not contain returns from Albany County, New York County (Manhattan), and Suffolk County (Long Island).  In 1850 Edmund Bailey O’Callahan, the archivist for the state of New York, transcribed and printed this publication from the original documents.  By then the records from Albany, New York, and Suffolk Counties had disappeared. Despite what is missing, this is an important and incredibly useful document for historians of slavery. The document contains lists of almost all the slaveowners in the reporting counties with the number of slaves they owned.  Many reports also include names of the slaves.  The document reveals the extent of slaveholding throughout the Dutch communities of the Hudson Valley.  The return from Kingston, in Ulster County, for example, shows that more than 200 of the 209 slaveowners were Dutch New Yorkers. By contrast, in Smith Town and Islip, on Long Island, only 3 of the 40 slaveowners appear to be Dutch.  One very important part of this document concerns the estate and slaves owned by Lewis Morris, who would later be a signer of the Declaration of Independence.  Lewis Morris was the grandson of the former Chief Justice and colonial Governor of New York (also Lewis Morris) and the half-brother of Gouverneur Morris, who was key figure at the Constitutional Convention and a vociferous opponent of slavery. In 1755 Lewis owned 23 slaves on his lands in Morrisania (today part of the Bronx).  This may have made him the largest slaveowner in the colony.  The Morris family also owned many slaves (and a good deal of land) in New Jersey.  In Bushwick (today part of Brooklyn) a man named John Rooseveldt (who is probably related to the two future presidents) owned one slave.  While slaveholding was common in the colony, the pattern was not like in the South. Except for Lewis Morris, most of the colonial New York masters owned only a few slaves.
 

Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, on Taking up His Compromise Resolutions on the Subject of Slavery
1v. New York: Stringer & Townsend, 1850
Clay, Henry


This is one of the most important speeches ever delivered in the U.S. Senate. In this speech, Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky introduced the outline of what would eventually become the Compromise of 1850. Ironically, the Compromise did not pass as Clay envisioned and under Clay's leadership the compromise bill fell apart on the floor of the Senate. But the debates over Clay’s bill set the stage for the eventual passage of the substance of what Clay proposed in this speech.

This speech grew out of political and legal developments in the previous decade involving fugitive slaves, western expansion, slavery in the new territories, and Whig Party politics. From 1847 to 1850 Congress faced almost total gridlock of over some of these issues, and sectional tensions were running high over others. Clay's speech set out a series of proposed laws to settle these issues. The speech does not have all the details of the laws, but the speech did offer a general direction for the Congress to take.

Fugitive slaves: In Prigg v. Pennsylvania (1842), the Supreme Court ruled that no state could make any judicial inquiry into the status of a black seized as a fugitive slave. The Court held that all state laws which interfered with the rendition process were unconstitutional. The only law that mattered was the Federal Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, which could be implemented by any state or federal judicial official. This law had very lax requirements for proof that someone was a fugitive slave, and in an age before photography or fingerprinting, it would be easy for a slave catcher to mistakenly, or purposefully seize a free black as a fugitive. Before Prigg, most northern states had provided some protection for free blacks through what were known as Personal Liberty Laws, but in Prigg, the Court declared these laws unconstitutional. Even as it struck down all state laws, and denied the free states the opportunity to protect their residents from kidnapping, the Supreme Court urged state officials to continue to implement the federal law with its lax standards of proof. At the time there were very few federal judges and marshals in the country and without the aid of state officials returning fugitive slaves would be difficult or impossible. However, in response to Prigg, some northern state officials refused to aid slave catchers, and some states passed laws preventing the use of state facilities or jails to house fugitives or barred state officials from participating in the return of fugitive slaves.  By 1850 southern politicians were insisting on a new fugitive slave law that would provide adequate federal support for the return of fugitive slaves. Ironically, southerners were demanding an active and large federal bureaucracy to counteract the states’ rights position of northerners who insisted on protecting free blacks from kidnapping, and in the process were also ready to protect fugitive slaves from being returned to their masters. One of Clay's resolutions declared: “That more effectual provision ought to be made by law, according to the requirements of the Constitution, for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labor, in any State, who may escape into any other State or Territory of this Union.”

The domestic slave trade: As a sop to the North, Clay also proposed ending the public sale of slaves in the District of Columbia. This would remove the embarrassment of slave auctions in the nation’s capital, but would not affect slavery in any meaningful way.  It was a small moral victory for opponents of slavery with no cost to the South, since slaves could easily be bought and sold in the District, or they could be auctioned off across the river in Alexandria, VA. At the same time, Clay’s resolutions declared that Congress should never interfere with the interstate slave trade, which mattered a great deal to southerners.

Territorial expansion: Before the Mexican War, the status of slavery in the western territories was settled, even though some southerners did not like it. But the war with Mexico brought vast new lands to the United States, and this reopened the debate. Most northerners wanted to prevent slavery in all the territories, and the House of Representatives, with a northern majority, had supported this position during the war with Mexico. Some southerners were willing to extend the Missouri Compromise line across the new territories, which would have opened most, but not all, the new lands to slavery. Others wanted to allow slavery in all the territories. Complicating this was California, which had more than enough people to become a state and wanted to enter the Union as a free state. Also complicating these debates was a dispute between the United States government and Texas over the western boundary of that state. Clay offered resolutions on all of these issues. Except for admitting California as a free state, all of his solutions favored the South. 

Clay’s speech was long, and at times contentious. Trying to be statesmanlike, he nevertheless blamed the North for most of the sectional conflict and went out of his way to excuse southern attacks on northern rights. He proposed an “omnibus bill” in which all of these issues would be lumped into one statute. His belief was that northerners would support it because of California statehood and the end of the public slave trade in the District of Columbia, while the South would support it because it settled all other issues in favor of slavery. Ultimately this strategy would fail, but by the end of September most of these provisions had passed as separate bills and were signed into law by the new president, Millard Fillmore, who had entered the office in early July 1850, after the death of President Zachary Taylor. This leads to the political background of the speech.

Political background and the Whig Party: Clay had twice run for president and lost. He believed he would get the Whig nomination in 1848 and finally win. But the nomination went to General Zachary Taylor, who was the hero of the Mexican War even though he thought the war was unjust and unnecessary. Clay was furious over not getting the nomination, and when Taylor won the  presidency, he was even angrier. He hoped to become the de facto leader of the Whigs and essentially run the government from the Senate. Thus, he never consulted with Taylor on his compromise resolutions, some which Taylor opposed. Had Taylor lived he might have vetoed many of these bills. But his sudden death changed the politics of the moment.

Clay is now remembered for his compromise resolutions and this speech. It was in some ways the high point of his career. It was certainly his last shining movement on the American political scene.


Address of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, in the Senate of the United States, on the Subject of Slavery and Speech of the Hon. Daniel Webster, the Senate of the United States on the Subject of Slavery
1v. [Washington]: [s.n.], 1850
Calhoun, John C.; Webster, Daniel

This pamphlet contains the two great speeches of John C. Calhoun and Daniel Webster during the debates over the Compromise of 1850. These speeches were in response to the Omnibus Bill introduced by Senator Clay that led, eventually, to the Compromise of 1850. See Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, On Taking up His Compromise Resolutions on the Subject of Slavery.  

Both Calhoun and Webster, like Clay, were long-time figures in American politics who had both served their nation for almost four decades, holding many of the highest offices of the land. Like Clay, neither ever achieved the presidency which both craved. Webster (1782-1852) had served in the House of Representatives from New Hampshire (1813-1817) and Massachusetts (1823-27) and as a senator from Massachusetts (1827-41), Secretary of State (1841-43), and then again in the Senate (1845-1850).  After this debate, he would again serve as Secretary of State from 1850 to 1852.  Webster longed for the presidency, and as late as 1852 stubbornly fought to win the Whig nomination.  Calhoun (1782-1850) represented South Carolina in the House (1811-1817), served as Secretary of War (1817-1825), Secretary of State (1844-45), Vice President (1825-1832), and in the Senate (1832-1843, 1845-1850).  Both graduated from prestigious colleges; Webster went to Dartmouth and Calhoun went to Yale.  Both were lawyers, but Calhoun rarely practiced.  Webster, on the other hand, was one of the finest and most important lawyers of his time.  He argued more than 200 cases before the U.S. Supreme Court.
           
For most of their careers, these two men had been the voice of their sections.  Webster represented New England in Congress, in the courts, and in public debate.  He argued for protective tariffs, internal improvements, and a strong Union.  While not an abolitionist, he was certainly seen as a longtime opponent of slavery.  Most famously, in 1830 he gave one of the greatest speeches in the history of the Senate, eviscerating the arguments of Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina, who had argued for the right of that state to nullify a federal law.  Forever after-at least until his support for the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850-Webster was associated with his ringing phrase “Liberty and Union, Now and Forever, One and Inseparable.”  Calhoun, on the other hand, was strongly proslavery, and always defended the interest of the South. He supported the nullification movement in South Carolina and resigned as Vice President over the issue. 
           
By 1850 the nation was in crisis, and the debates over Senator Henry Clay’s compromise proposals–the Compromise of 1850–revealed this.  The Compromise favored slavery and included a draconian fugitive slave law that threatened the liberty of all blacks in the North while creating a national system of pro-slavery law enforcement.  Furthermore, it allowed slavery in all of the new territories acquired from Mexico, except for California. 
           
Despite the huge tilt toward slavery in the Compromise, in his last Senate speech, on March 4, 1850, Calhoun opposed it.  He had come to the conclusion that democracy could no longer work in the nation, and that sectionalism had to replace the idea of majority rule. He argued that no laws affecting slavery or sectionalism should be passed unless a majority of southern members of Congress and northern members supported it. He called this a “concurrent majority.”  Short of this change, Calhoun thought the Union could no longer work.  Calhoun was dying of tuberculosis at the time and was too weak to give his speech.  Instead, Senator James Mason of Virginia read the speech. Calhoun was present and listened and afterward, briefly exchanged words with Webster. Calhoun returned to the floor of the Senate one more time to hear Webster's speech that is also printed in this pamphlet.
           
On March 7, three days after Calhoun spoke, Webster gave his great speech on the Compromise, and it has ever since been known as the "Seventh of March Speech." (Oddly, the publisher of this speech mistakenly says Webster gave the speech on March 6.) Most northerners expected Webster to oppose the Compromise because it was so proslavery, but in his last great speech in the Senate he endorsed it.  He was vilified in Massachusetts for that. The great poet John Greenleaf Whitter wrote the poem “Ichabod” to denounce Webster. Calling him a "fallen angel," Whittier characterized the man who had once stood for "Liberty" and had been the embodiment of New England's hatred of slavery, but had become a relentless supporter of the new fugitive slavery law. After his support of the law (but two years before Webster died), Whittier wrote:


So fallen! so lost! the light
withdrawn
Which once he wore!
The glory from his gray hairs gone
Forevermore!

Of all we loved and honored,
naught
Save power remains;
A fallen angel's pride of thought,
Still strong in chains.

All else is gone; from those great
eyes
The soul has fled:
When faith is lost, when honor dies,
The man is dead!

 

Political Debates between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, in the Celebrated Campaign of 1858, in Illinois; including the Preceding Speeches of Each, at Chicago, Springfield, etc.
1v. Columbus: Follett, Foster and Company, 1860
Lincoln, Abraham; Douglas, Stephen A.
 
In 1858 Abraham Lincoln won the Republican nomination for the U.S. Senate seat in Illinois. His opponent, the incumbent U.S. Senator, was Stephen A. Douglas, one of the most powerful members of the Senate. Douglas had competed for the presidential nomination in 1856 and was viewed as the likely Democratic candidate in 1860. Initially, Douglas tried to ignore Lincoln. As a popular incumbent, he had no reason to share a podium with his less well-known opponent who was something of a political upstart. Lincoln shrewdly followed Douglas around the state, often giving speeches in towns the day after Douglas spoke, effectively having the last word in a virtual debate. This finally led Douglas to accept Lincoln’s challenge to a series of debates around the state.  The result was the most famous set of political debates in American history.

The two candidates dissected the relationship of slavery to American politics. Douglas was the author of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which had repealed part of the Missouri Compromise, and allowed slavery north and west of Missouri. This led to a mini-civil war in the Kansas Territory known as Bleeding Kansas. Douglas believed that organizing the Kansas Territory would encourage western settlement and provide new land for young families in Illinois and throughout the mid-west. Douglas claimed he did not care about slavery–whether it was voted “up or down,” but he did believe that northerners would ultimately settle the new territories and turn them into free states.

Lincoln argued Douglas was part of a conspiracy to force slavery into the federal territories and eventually on to the North. He claimed Douglas was in cahoots with his political enemy within the Democratic Party, President James Buchanan, the previous president, Franklin Pierce, and Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, the author of the opinion in the Court in Dred Scott v. Sanford (1857). He argued the Dred Scott decision was the first step to nationalizing slavery, a process that could be stopped only by defeating Northern Democrats like Douglas, who aligned with the South.

This volume contains all of the debates, plus some other speeches by Lincoln, including two he gave in Ohio in 1859. By then Lincoln was actively campaigning for the Republican presidential nomination by speaking throughout the North. The publication of this book illustrates Lincoln’s rising fame and political importance. The book was put together and printed at the request of the leaders of the Ohio Republican Party. Some of those signing the letters that led to this book were important state leaders who would later gain national prominence. These include: Christopher P. Wolcott, the Attorney General of Ohio who would serve as Assistant Secretary of War under Lincoln; William Dennison, Jr., who would become governor of Ohio in 1860 and serve as Lincoln’s second Postmaster General (1864-1866); and Noah H. Swayne, who Lincoln would nominate for the Supreme Court, where he served as an Associate Justice from 1862 to 1881. Others were important in Ohio history, such as Anson Smyth the Director of Common Schools for Ohio (1856-62), Samuel Galloway, a former Ohio Secretary of State and Congressman, and William T. Bascom, who was the secretary of the state Republican Party.

There are modern versions of the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, which are annotated and contain somewhat more accurate transcripts of the speeches both men gave. However, this volume is historically very important for two reasons. First, this publication, as noted above, illustrates the rising importance of Lincoln in 1860. Second, this would have been the most easily accessible version of the debates available in Ohio and other states during the 1860 presidential election. At the Republican Convention in the summer of 1860, party leaders had to choose among some very prominent politicians, including Senator (and former Governor) William Henry Seward of New York, Senator (and former Governor) Salmon Portland Chase of Ohio, Senator Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, and U.S. Supreme Court Justice John McLean. Before he debated Douglas, Lincoln was virtually unknown outside of Illinois. Books like this one helped northerners learn who this upstart Western politician was. Many Republicans read Lincoln’s speeches reprinted here, and the debates, and concluded he was the best candidate for the presidency.  This book helps us understand what people knew about the future Sixteenth President in the months before his nomination.

 

Fanaticism, and Its Results: Or, Facts versus Fancies
1v. Baltimore: Printed by Joseph Robinson, 1860

This anonymously published pamphlet was actually written by James Dabney McCabe, Jr. (1842-1883), a Virginia-born journalist, playwright, pamphleteer, and popular historian. McCabe, the son of an Episcopal clergyman, was educated at Virginia Military Institute and served in the Confederate War Department during the Civil War. During his service, he wrote a “history” of the war, and during and after the war wrote hagiographic biographies of Stonewall Jackson (1863) and Robert E. Lee (1867). Published just before the 1860 presidential election, this pamphlet is dedicated to the fanatically proslavery governor of Virginia, Henry A. Wise. McCabe professes his love of the Union, his dedication the nation, and his hatred of “disunion.” But then he immediately makes clear that his unionism is limited to a nation that supports slavery. He asserts that the “only traitors in the land are those who are known as the Abolition and Republican Parties.” Significantly, McCabe makes no distinction in his pamphlet between radical abolitionists, who were calling for an immediate end to slavery, and the Republican Party, which emphatically denied the national government had any power to interfere with slavery in the existing states. He similarly lumps together pacifist abolitionists, the radial and violent abolitionist John Brown (who had invaded Virginia to free slaves in October 1859), and Republican politicians, who had condemned Brown and would have nothing to do with hard core abolitionists. McCabe sees only one cause for the national crisis: “What is it that is so fraught with danger to the Union? Fearlessly and unhesitatingly we give but one answer to all of these questions. The words are simple, but they are full of meaning and power.- Our answer is THE DEMON OF ABOLITIONISM.” Indeed, throughout the pamphlet, McCabe uses quotations from mainstream politicians and radical abolitionists with no understanding of any distinctions among them. This makes sense since for McCabe any opposition to slavery is a threat to his view of the world.
 
Along with his overblown rhetoric, McCabe provides a useful summary of some early debates in Congress over slavery. He also has an equally helpful summary of the ways in which northern states had opposed slavery. From his perspective, all of these northern laws–as well as general northern opposition to slavery–were enough to justify secession and an independent southern nation. Thus he argues: “Men of the South, we appeal to you to be men indeed. Look to the interests of the South. Guard them with sleepless vigilance. May God give you strength so to act, as to secure the greatest possible good for your country and the Union.” He urges all southern states to hold a convention to consider their future and the future of the Union. McCabe ignores the fact that the South had dominated the national government since its inception, that the Supreme Court had consistently supported slavery, and that under Dred Scott, for the first time in American history all the federal territories were open to slavery. Instead, he argues that “Should the North continue to oppress us, and scorn our appeals and warnings,-then, we say, let the South withdraw and defend herself. Should the storm ever burst, and the land be bathed in blood, let the South maintain her independence at all risks even though her land should be laid waste; her homes destroyed; her sons and daughters slaughtered. We say, let her defend herself, even if it should come to this. She may be destroyed utterly blotted away from amongst the nations of the earth, but her honor will be vindicated in the struggle, and she will prove that she was born to be immortal in the history of the good and great, and with her will perish the liberty of the world.”
 
This pamphlet illustrates how slavery was at the center of southern disunionist sentiments, and that even before the Republican convention of 1860 Southern nationalists were anticipating both secession and civil war.
EDITOR'S PICKS

While browsing Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law, you’ll notice gold stars next to some of the titles. We call them “Editor’s Picks,” which Paul Finkelman, the general editor, has chosen as what he thinks are the most important titles to be found in this collection.

Examples of Editor's Picks:


Journal of a Residence on a Georgia Plantation in 1838-1839
1v. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1863
Kemble, Frances Anne

Frances Anne "Fanny" Kemble (1809-1893) was a British-born actress and author.  In 1832 she began a tour of America, acting and doing readings from great plays. The tour ended in 1834, when she married Pierce M. Butler, the grandson of the first Pierce Butler, a South Carolina delegate to the Constitutional Convention. After her marriage she retired from acting but turned to writing, and a year later published a book about her trip across America, Journal of Frances Anne Butler (2 vols., 1835). Kemble’s husband was a wealthy southern gentleman who lived in Philadelphia, where she met him. But his wealth was based on three plantations and hundreds of slaves in Georgia and inherited lands, slaves, and other property worth about $700,000 (about $17 million in 2016).  In 1838-39, Kemble spent eighteen months with her husband on his plantation on St. Simons Island in the Georgia sea islands. There she was shocked by the treatment of slaves, their punishments, the horrible conditions of their lives, and the many mixed-race children who had apparently been fathered by Butler’s overseers (or even members of the Butler family). She was also deeply bothered by the ways slaves hurried to wait on her and her children. She quickly realized how brutalizing the system was for the slaves, but also how it corrupted the master class. Even before the trip to Georgia she had become a committed abolitionist; her time on the plantation only reconfirmed her growing hatred of slavery.  Shortly after their return from Georgia the marriage began to fall apart, with a separation, and finally a divorce in 1849. Butler wasted most of his fortune, and in 1859 was forced to auction off 459 slaves, which was the largest slave auction in U.S. history.

In 1863, Fanny Kemble published her journal from her time in Georgia, under the title Journal of a Residence of a Georgian Plantation in 1838-1839.  Like Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Kemble’s journal had a profound influence in England, partly because it was written by a British celebrity. Her detailed first-hand descriptions of the horrors and cruelty of slavery helped influence public opinion against any British support for the Confederacy. Members of Parliament quoted it while debating British policy toward the United States and the Confederate States during the American Civil War, and along with the Emancipation Proclamation, helped keep Britain neutral in the Civil War, which of course helped the Union cause.  Her book helped move Britain away from any significant relationship with the government in Richmond. Her journal remains an important primary source for the study of slavery and the American South, as well as for its role in social and even diplomatic history.
 



History of Negro Servitude in Illinois, and of the Slavery Agitation in That State, 1719-1864
1v. Chicago: A.C. McClurg & Co, 1904
Harris, N. Dwight

This book, published in 1904, was based on an early Ph.D. dissertation written at the University of Chicago under the direction of J. Franklin Jameson. The book is similar to other books by the first generation of professional historians in the United States. It is based mostly on primary sources and is incredibly detailed.  Its focus is almost entirely political and legal. While it is about slavery and anti-slavery, African Americans make very few appearances in the book.  Today it would be faulted for these reasons and others. While not analytically useful, it is treasure trove of footnotes and references to newspapers, county court records, and state records.  It is invaluable for any scholar or student interested in the history of slavery and race relations in Illinois and the Midwest. It is even more valuable in this digitized form, which allows readers to quickly find sources and direct quotations from those sources.
SPECIAL DISCOUNT OFFER

Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America

These volumes represent the history of the trade on which the institution of slavery rested. In compiling these volumes, both printed and manuscript sources were utilized. The papers of the Royal African Company, the Colonial Office Papers, the Spanish archives, narratives of African voyagers and traders, have all been drawn upon. Volumes I – 1441-1700; Volume II – The Eighteenth Century; Volume III – New England and the Middle Colonies; Volume IV – The Border Colonies and Southern Colonies.
Purchase this title by February 28th, 2017 and receive 30% off the list price.

Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America 
Author: Elizabeth Donnan
Item #: 3655
ISBN: 9781575887203 
Price: $350.00, 
now $245.00!
Pages: 4v.
Published: Buffalo; William S. Hein & Co., Inc.; 1930. Reprinted in 2002.


ORDER NOW
 
All four volumes of this title are available in HeinOnline. Users may browse the contents of all volumes, or search within the entire set.
 
THE JUNTO FEATURES EDITOR PAUL FINKELMAN

The Junto is a group blog made up of junior early Americanists—graduate students and junior faculty—dedicated to providing content of general interest to other early Americanists and those interested in early American history, as well as a forum for discussion of relevant historical and academic topics. 

Candace Jackson Gray, a graduate student at Morgan State University in Baltimore, MD, recently interviewed Paul Finkelman on his life’s work, which ultimately brought Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law to fruition.

Finkelman begins the interview by elaborating on how he initially became interested in legal history and more importantly slave law. As the conversation continues, Finkelman describes how his collaboration with HeinOnline began three years ago building the Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law database. Finkelman states “I have been working with the William S. Hein, Co. for the past three years to develop this database site. So far we have put up every known state and federal statute on slavery and race before 1880; virtually every reported case in the U.S. and the UK, and more than 1,000 pamphlets and books. Every month we are adding more material. I hope everyone who reads this interview will sign up for the free access to the database. All of the material is in a PDF format that is word searchable and can be downloaded.” Click
here to read the full interview.
COMING SOON

Here is a list of other titles that will be added to the collection in the coming months.

Booker T. Washington: Builder of a Civilization
1v. Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1917
Scott, Emmett J.; Stowe, Lyman Beecher

Freedman's Harp; Being a Selection of Patriotic Hymns
1v. Cleveland: Nevin's Steam Printing House, 1864

 
Missouri: A Bone of Contention
1v. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1888
Carr, Lucien

Slavery in the Methodist Episcopal Church
1v. Auburn: William J. Moses, 1859
Bowen, Elias

 
Uncle Tom's Story of His Life: An Autobiography of the Rev. Josiah Henson
1v. London: Christian Age Office, 1876
Henson, Josiah; Lobb, John, Editor

 
HELP & TRAINING
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Quick Reference Guide

Be sure to check out our
Slavery in America and the World Quick Reference Guide for even more about the subcollections, features, and tools in this collection.

 
AS SEEN ON TWITTER
 
 Michael Blaakman ‏@michaelblaakman  Jan 10
@HeinOnline has a new database of primary sources on slavery; looks wonderful. Free access if you register: http://home.heinonline.org/slavery.
 
 Christopher Jones ‏@ccjones13  Dec 27
Q&A with Paul Finkelman @thejuntoblog on legal history, slavery, + @HeinOnline's new slavery + the law database. http://bit.ly/2jJqY13.
 
 UGA School of Law @UGASchoolofLaw  Dec 16
Very cool. A free historical database of all known legal documentation on slavery in the English speaking world. http://home.heinonline.org/slavery/.


 SpoCoLibraryDistrict @SpoCoLibraryDistrict  Dec 11
New digital resource at the library: Slavery in America and the World: History, Culture & Law from @HeinOnline.
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